A week or so back I wrote on how there needs to be a re-think on the representation of conflict survivors in Nepal. So, it was with some interest that I came across this article in the Nepali Times on the ‘Through Our Eyes‘ project. A collaboration between CWIN-Nepal (working for children’s rights) and Roving Eye Film, it looks to help young people who were involved in the armed conflict in one way or another. The project provides training in digital video production and editing, working towards public screening.
Through Our Eyes – participatory video in Nepal
07/03/2010Awaiting Justice? Time to re-think the picturing of conflict survivors in Nepal
27/02/2010I was at the British Embassy in Kathmandu a couple of weeks back to attend a gathering on enforced disappearances. The event marked the 6th anniversary of the killing a 15-year-old girl, Maina Sunuwar, in 2004 by the Nepal Army. The main draw was the première of a short film entitled, ‘Awaiting Justice‘ (presented as ‘Nyay Kahile?’ in Nepali, which literally translates as ‘Justice When?’). The film documents a visit in December 2009 by nine top diplomats to Bardiya District where a high number of people were ‘disappeared’ during Nepal’s decade long conflict (1996-2006).
I was looking forward to seeing the film, but the title had already begun to raise questions in my mind. I tend not to be a pedant when it comes to language, but I have seen such passive terminology far too often when referring to rights holders in Nepal. ‘Waiting’ is a term that is unfortunately reflected in the way many of the individuals are represented, not least by the human rights movement.
Since the end of the conflict there has been a concerted push by human rights organisations, both national and international, as well as some embassies and the UN (particularly OHCHR – Nepal), for investigations and prosecutions into past abuses. This has mainly focussed on case documentation and political lobbying via legal argumentation. Despite this there are those of the opinion that survivors and the families of those ‘disappeared’ or unlawfully killed have been, up until recently, marginal voices in this campaign, with their priorities given less prominence in the face of the more powerful international ‘human rights project‘. Some would even say that the families agenda has been deliberately distorted to fit that of the international community. A cynical analysis would be that this agenda centres on furthering international human rights law through work in politically weak and conflict damaged countries, with an emphasis on ‘putting people in prison‘ rather than delivering to the wishes of those who suffered most (which tends to centre on material and emotional relief). Not that justice isn’t a good thing, it just raises the question of who all this effort is actually for? If in reality things are far more complex than the cynics may have you believe, this is not to say there is not an element of truth here. There are certainly legitimate questions to be asked about the independence of some CBOs in Nepal, and whether undue influence is exerted on them to be ‘on message’ with the bigger agencies controlling the agenda and funding. What interests me most though is how this plays out strategically and representationally?
Few resources and time appear to have gone into growing the public profile of the CBOs and winning arguments amongst the public to mobilise support. The ‘legal-first’ strategy that is pushed so hard by the various human rights agencies is making slow progress exactly because it is not duel tracked with a wider communication strategy that seeks to garner support beyond a narrow constituency of human rights activists and lawyers. Documentation of cases and legal arguments saturate the landscape, with a war of words occupying what small amount of media space is given over to these issues. Almost forgotten are the lives of those who live on. When we do hear from them it is usually to recount, once again, the painful episode that took their loved ones away from them (‘the case’).
The embassy film thus takes a now predictable format – a parade of ‘cases’, narrowly defining the individuals in the context of the abuse rather than as complex and dynamic people. This is particularly evident in the main segment of the film where the diplomats are petitioned by a group of people who lost relatives or were themselves tortured. The decision to include so much of the meeting is questionable as it fails to engage after a short time. Not that the testimonies are boring or unmoving. What they are is contextually adrift in a barren meeting hall, where embassy staff sit silently as if holding court before their 4×4 convoy returns them to Kathmandu. There is no attempt to break down the empathic gap between the audience and people featured. More surprisingly, there is almost no explanation about why the diplomats made the trip to Bardiya, possibly underlining the exclusive nature of the product (i.e. it is for those who know rather than to info those who don’t). I am also unable to tell you what the film is for or how it will be used.
This is not a criticism of the international community in Nepal, they do good work – and this initiative may turn out to be well placed. The criticism is this – firstly, if you are to spend time and money on visual media then a lot more thought is needed than appears to have gone into this production, that even at 10mins failed to engage me or generate empathy due to its narrow passive ‘victimisation’ of those it represents. The second criticism, and the more important as it goes beyond one short film, is why such representations persist (when there are obvious alternatives) and whether they expose a dynamic between the rights holders and those agencies who take a ‘for the community’ rather than a ‘with the community‘ strategy?
It is strange that despite the involvement of the self organised community based organisation – Conflict Victims Committee – there is no representation in the film of the substantial work they have done in campaigning for justice. In fact I have not come across one substantial piece of visual media that looks at these CBOs in Nepal (though that doesn’t mean such work isn’t out there).
Of course, it is unrealistic to expect embassies to be masters of visual communications, and the fact that they even thought about filming their initiative (which was mainly symbolic – the abuses are already well documented) is positive. But such agents need to realise that winning the legal arguments is only half the battle. Failure to generate a ground swell of public solidarity with those who fight for justice and reparations will at the very least hamper progress, at worst make you irrelevant.
A more thoughtful approach is taken in the 2009 International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) film, unfortunately with an equally passive sounding title, ‘The Wait Continues‘. The film narrows its focus on one incident where 17 workers from Jogimara were reported killed whilst working at an airport construction site in Kalikot.
The film is a more considered affair than ‘Awaiting Justice’, where the audience is firmly placed in the context of the 15 families who lost their sons. They are interviewed in their village and homes. We see them going about their daily lives. Yet it is what the family members recount that is most notable. Rather than presenting details of ‘the case’ (we learn only the basic facts of what happened) they tell us about their hopes and fears, their doubts and ways of coping. A particular poignant moment is when one man relates how his neighbour has moved away to escape the memories of his son. But asks, ‘What will he do with his son’s plate, and the glass he drunk from?’ immediately summoning a human universal of the memories evoked in us by objects used by the ones we love.
Towards the end of the film ICRC reps walk into the village. This is probably the most awkward moment throughout and draws attention to the fact the focus is on a community that has found it difficult to represent itself effectively (though it does note that others have). It is an all too familiar image – the human rights /UN worker who comes to the village to ‘extract’ research information, maybe never to return, leaving the interviewees disheartened and suspicious of their intentions. This cannot be a direct criticism of the film itself, which is well made, or ICRC for that matter, but does highlight the lack of visual media that presents the pro-active, self organisation of many families across the country to fight (rather than ‘wait’) for reparations, truth and justice. The ICRC documentary is complimented by a set of decent stills by K.Kayastha that begin to scratch a surface that could do with a bit more scratching.

Raj Kumari Gurung lost both her brothers-in-law. Their mother, Moti Maya Gurung is convinced one day they will return. Copyright ICRC / K.Kayastha
The ‘legal-first’ singular track has produced a stack of reports. Much could have been done to wed these with a visual advocacy strategy – much in the way OSI has done in recent times. A couple of reports illustrate a lost opportunities. The ‘waiting‘ continues in two reports by the Nepalese human rights organisation Advocacy Forum (AF) and US based NGO, Human Rights Watch (HRW). AF is an excellent organisation, and I have worked with them in the past. However, a strategic shift in the representation of survivors and rights holders would be a positive step.
Two reports – ‘Waiting for Justice‘ and ‘Still Waiting for Justice‘ – present excellent documentation on over 60 cases of ‘unpunished crimes from Nepal’s Armed Conflict‘. In many instances AF has fought hard for these cases to be investigated by the police, despite obstruction. However, once more we enter the territory of passive victims, illustrated in the first report by the widely used (and rather tired in my opinion) photographic technique of representing ‘disappearances’ by having family members hold up photos of those that are missing (in the second report photos are abandoned except for the cover, which incidentally is one of mine – where at least we see the family members out on the streets protesting).
What surprises more is that HRW did not do more to improve the visual representation. Over the last couple of years to their credit they have done much to adopt more visual tools in their work, particularly on their website.
Other examples are the reports by OHCHR-Nepal on abuses in the Maharajgung army barracks and in Bardiya district. The Maharajgung report does not feature any photos at all. A glossy summary version of the Bardiya report (the original version having almost sunk without trace on it launch) contains eight un-captioned colour photos – with none of the photos being self explanatory enough to stand alone. This disappoints all the more because UN agencies, including OHCHR themselves with their work on prison conditions in Nepal, have grasped the value of visual media in providing context and building understanding in the wider population. I covered this here.
It is obvious from such laudable initiatives, such as A People’s War trilogy, that with some effort and thought a more diverse and nuanced representation can be produced. The thing the project did best was invest in a time scale that allowed the people pictured to become rounded individuals to the viewer. Through the follow-up book, and last in the trilogy, ‘People After War‘, we are able to travel along a narrative that leads the reader away from a black and white reading of events and people. The exhibition that travelled across the country drew huge crowds (allegedly 350,000), with some of their thoughts recorded in the second book in the trilogy, ‘Never Again‘. Six thousand copies of ‘A People War‘ were distributed to schools and libraries for free. So, why did one publisher decide it was necessary to have such a public debate on these issues, but not one human rights agency has come close to producing an initiative that stimulates such a public interaction?
Obviously, an argument can be made that all these representations differ due to the agents responsible for them, their objectives , expertise and the time available to produce them. This is a fair point – as it is fair to say that factually people are ‘waiting’ due to the state being the agent to deliver some of the things they want. But what ever your appraisal of these different approaches it is hard to deny that what is lacking is a substantial participatory communication approach that puts the power of representation in the hands of the families and survivors (at the very least this would enhance historic documentation). This may open up more space to discuss some of the issues of social exclusion that lead to the violations in the first place and remain un-resolved. A coherent communication strategy that looks to engage with a wider public audience in Nepal in order to increase pressure on political actors wouldn’t go a miss either.
These would not only go some way to addressing criticism that families lack control over how they are represented, and how their priorities are not accurately portrayed by the mainstream human rights community. It could also begin to break down societal barriers that currently block the establishment of a wider debate and recognition of the injustice that is being perpetuated. Whether participatory or not, a venture that focussed more on ‘campaigning‘ rather than ‘waiting‘ would be a good start.
Examples from other countries should inform those working in this sector in Nepal of what is possible. From a professional point of view the work of Paula Allen with the women of Calama in Chile stands out as a committed and long term approach. Marcelo Brodsky’s work ‘Buena Memoria‘ from Argentina provides an inclusive and personal documentation and memorial to those who were ‘disappeared’ from his school (watch the video for the event held to remember those who were killed). Omar D’s work on ‘disappearances’ in Algeria, ‘Devoir de memoire/A Biography of Disappearance, Algeria 1992-, commissioned and edited by Autograph ABP, is also worth noting. As is the discussed at an LSE conference on ‘disappearances’ in Algeria in 2008, raising the question;
‘How we can disseminate the truth about events that are officially denied or obfuscated by the legal system, how to lobby for the application of UN resolutions on forced disappearances and whether human rights organisations can overcome post-colonial and economic interests. Can imagery be more potent than text in bringing human rights issues into public knowledge? Can we talk of a politics of aesthetics in the context of subjects who have been stripped of their civil existence? How can the invisible be made visible?
To watch a video introduction to the LSE event click here.

Displaying the portraits of the disappeared in October Square in Minsk. From 'Existence Denied' by ICAED.
Also worth checking out is the ‘Existence Denied‘ book produced by the International Coalition of Enforced Disappearances (ICAED) that pulls together a series of stills from around the world that illustrate the emotional impact of those whose loved ones have been disappeared, as well as the activism they themselves have initiated to find out what happened and bring perpetrators to book.
Agencies can also explore the value of participatory photography as a tool for communication within and across communities, for understanding and reconciliation, but also for historical documentation. Not that such methodology is without its faults, but as I discussed in this post it lends itself to just this situation. A good example is the TAFOS (social photographic workshops) project in Peru which took place in the context of political violence, extreme poverty and lack of political representation – a situation similar to Nepal’s.
Much of the value of the project is encapsulated in this quote, which I will leave you with;
… “TAFOS was a project of visual inclusion, with pictures that, in its character of a documentary mirror, made visible the invisible and took risks for a country still alive. Their pictures show us a country struggling for respect and recognition of basic rights for its people; a country in the process of consolidation and transformation that, however, still enjoys life; summing up, a country with a clear bet for life and change”.
Huarcaya, Roberto. Hacer visible lo invisible. In: País de Luz. Talleres de Fotografía Social, TAFOS. Perú: 1986-1998. Lima-Peru: Pastor y Müller, 2006. p. 44-47 (English Translation).
Burma VJ – video activism at the edge
22/02/2010
‘Burma VJ‘ is a documentary by Anders Ostergaard looking at the video activists who ensured footage from the ‘Saffron Revolution’ that took place in Burma throughout September 2007 made it to the outside world. If the trailer (below) is anything to go by it will be an inspiring watch.
The website suggest that the only places you can see the film at the moment is Hereford on 3 & 7 March (don’t ask me!). Alternatively, you can buy the DVD from Amazon.
photo.circle workshop with Philip Blenkinsop & Munem Wasif
14/02/2010
In January, Kathmandu played host to a workshop with 24 young photographers from Bangladesh, Nepal and Norway. The students were in the capable hands of Philip Blenkinsop (well know for his photos of South East Asia, and particularly the Hmong) and Munem Wasif (critically acclaimed for his images of Old Dhaka).

To learn more about how the five days unfolded and the images that were produced visit the photo.circle site or watch the video below.
People After War – third installment of Nepal conflict books
30/11/2009In 2008 Nepa Laya and Kunda Dixit (of Himal Media) published a photo book, ‘A People War‘, on the internal conflict in Nepal (1996-2006). The book took a people centric focus, rather than a military one, looking at how they were impacted by the ten year Maoist led ‘Peoples War’. I interviewed Kunda Dixit on the project earlier this year to learn how the project had come about.
The photos were taken on a successful national exhibition tour resulting in a second book, ‘Never Again‘, consisting of just some of the hundreds of messages left in the exhibiti0n visitor books. At the same time a documentary film was released called ‘Frames of War‘ by Prem BK and Kesand Tseten based on the ‘A People War’ book.
This week sees the publication of the third and final book in the series, ‘People After War‘. Through painstaking research and help from journalists and the public the publishers tracked down 50 of the individuals who featured in the original book to find out what had happened to them in the intervening years.
I managed to get hold of a copy of the book yesterday and can highly recommended it. The original photos are placed with new photos of the people they managed to find and are accompanied by an update on their lives. There are some fascinating stories, both inspiring and tragic.
The books and touring exhibitions have had a powerful resonance with those who have seen them. The projects evolving aim is one of promoting non-violence and historical documentation, and appears to have worked very well on the level of awareness raising and sharing of common experience. What the project could or should achieve beyond this poses an interesting question. The photos raise questions, emotions and awareness – there is cause for reflection on what happened on a national, local and individual level. But how this inputs into the current political impasse and continuing violence in the country is difficult to assess. ‘Never Again’ may be a cry reflected across communities nation wide but the political reality cannot be ignored – peace remains fragile, justice distant, and reconciliation difficult without both of these. Despite the mass public support for peace in 2006 the movement has failed to sustain itself as a unified presence, dividing along political lines. This comes as no surprise, after all when there is a common enemy we can easily forget our differences. But as King Gyanendra reliquished power those who found it convinient to join forces divided back into their various factions. So, there may be a common call for ‘Never Again’ but there is little unity on how to resolve why it happened in the first place.
We should not expect too much of photographs, though we often do. It would be nice to think that this project could do more to sustain peace if integrated into a national campaign to put pressure on politicians. But without such a campaign this remains a project appreciated by the people but ignored by those who can ensure a peaceful future for those in Nepal. If there is a criticism of the book it is not on the photographic level, but in regards to how it fails to address the difficult question about the legimate use of violence against the state, and that ‘getting on with development’ ignores the fundamental imbalance of power relations within the country.
The photos are currently on tour in Nepal and will be on permenant exhibition at Madan Puraskar’s library at Patan Dhoka, Kathmandu.
WAVE Project offers free video training for women in India
23/09/2009Women Aloud: Video blogging for Empowerment (WAVE) is training young women in India (one per state) to become citizen journalists telling video stories about positive community change for an international audience. The project is managed by the Mumbai based NGO ‘Point of View.’
The criteria for applicants are;
- 18-25 years old
- Basic fluency in English
- Proficient with computers and internet
- Strong interest in video production
- Strong interest in community development
- Potential to become a leader in her area
- Candidates from low-income or disadvantaged backgrounds encouraged
For more information contact Sapna Shahani and Angana Jhaveri on 098198293190 or womenaloud@gmail.com
“We have no right to walk into another’s suffering” – Raghu Rai on Bhopal, the demise of the ‘Truth’, and the future of the photojournalistic aesthetic in campaigning.
14/07/2009‘Are you joking?’
Raghu Rai’s initial response when asked by Greenpeace to go back to the city of Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh, India, and photograph the lives of those affected by the disastrous Union Carbide factory gas leak 18 years’ on is not entirely surprising. Social activism, despite the parallel challenge of Web 2.0 platforms, remains heavily dependent on the main stream corporate media as a communication tool. Where was the story? Had it not been covered numerous times before? Was this not like returning to Chernobyl to survey the human fallout? And just as importantly, had these people’s lives not been intruded upon and photographed enough already?
Big name photographers like Rai are brought in by International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs) like Greenpeace to ensure widespread publicity for their campaign through the publishing of the images in prominent high circulation media. There will often be an accompanying exhibition and book– again, providing a media hook and further dissemination of images. In some cases the high profile photographer’s involvement itself is the lead story, particularly when they are better known for their work in, say, fashion or advertising (like the work celebrity photographer Rankin did for Oxfam UK last year). That does not mean the photographer is commissioned as a gimmick – they are there to produce quality images – but the big name tag is a guaranteed interest multiplier to the media and public.
Greenpeace’s response to Rai’s question was that people were actually still dying from gas related health problems, their drinking water was still contaminated, and compensation was still being withheld. They suggested he go see for himself.
So he did.
The result was this set of photos
Getting Rai on-board must have been seen as a big plus by Greenpeace. He is not only the most acclaimed photographer from India, but photographed Bhopal in 1984 when the disaster happened. He would bring local context, continuity, as well as a wealth of photographic experience.
The aim of the Greenpeace project, in partnership with the International Campaign for Justice for Bhopal, was to remind relevant decision makers of the continued suffering experienced by those who breathed in the gas on the morning of 3 December 1984, and their commitments and responsibility to address their needs. The photos commissioned from Rai were to be used in the common formats of a photo book and international touring exhibition leading up to the 20th anniversary of the disaster. In addition they appear in slide shows on the Greenpeace website. They were to highlight the lives of some of the individuals and families who still suffered, representing them through a classic ‘witnessing’ approach – the presenting of evidence through black and white images using a documentary style aesthetic. The images are unsurprisingly not as shocking as those Rai took in 1984, instead focussing on prolonged suffering and injustice, and the community’s response. They are designed to evoke our sympathy and indignation around specific individuals and a specific event. In addition Greenpeace and the International Campaign for Justice for Bhopal produce five cinema ads.
Rai’s photos and the Greenpeace campaign are now over five years old. Looking back at the communications approach used it is interesting to see how much impact technology has had on story telling. Even though similar initiatives exist today – for example James Nachtway’s work on drug resistant TB – the trend is moving away from such linear models of representation. Social activism is increasingly experimenting with multi-media and participatory projects, combining professional and amateur products, and linking rights claimants with supporters across the globe. This is beginning to go beyond simple story telling towards a rather more complex conversation. Here the ‘authenticity’ captured by the professional photo-documenter is not only challenged by the digital democratisation of image production and dissemination, but is opened up so that the viewer can became a much more active participant in the process of social change. Now photos of injustice sit along side photos of activism – action and response across multiple geographic areas and communities – filmed, captured and linked via multiple interconnected nodes on-line. Where ‘witnessing’ is not just about the violation itself but also of the act of mobilizing for change or resistance – where visually representing the exercising of the right to free association and protest is in itself a strategic tool in a campaign.
I was offered an introduction to Raghu Rai nearly one year ago by a contact in India working on the violence in the North Eastern state of Manipur. Rai had been doing some work there looking at the impact of the insurgency, in particular around the use of the Armed Forces and Special Powers Act by the India army on the local population. However, it was not until March that we finally came together in his apartment situated in a relatively secluded district of south Delhi. When I arrived several young people were busying themselves at computers in the main room. I was ushered into Raghu’s office where he sat behind a big wooden desk covered in test prints of his photos. A large window provided an excellent view across a landscape still predominantly green with trees and parks. As we talked, we were occasionally interrupted by one of his staff bringing more prints for Rai to peruse, mainly from his new book on Delhi which was soon to be published.
My main interest in meeting with Rai was to find out more about his work on the Bhopal gas tragedy, both at the time and 18 years’ on with Greenpeace. I wanted to know how as a photographer he approached such an assignment, what it was like to work with a large INGO, and how he saw the use of images in movements for social justice? However, although I have met with several professional photographers over the course of this project I was not prepared for how my discussion with Rai would pan out and the questions it would pose.
Raghu Rai is the most internationally recognised documentary photographer of India – both in that he is from and his work has focussed on, the country. If you have seen a photograph depicting the Union Carbide disaster it is more than likely one of his. Working for the Magnum photo agency his photographs from Bhopal have been widely used in magazines, books, Non-Government Organization’s (NGO) materials and newspapers. His images bear witness to the death and continuing health problems suffered by so many people in the city. However, despite this the majority of his other photos are not linked with social activism, and tend to fill beautiful ‘coffee table’ books depicting India’s cities, temples and citizens. Other work includes several studies of Indira Gandhi during her political rise and fall.
When the tank containing methyl isocyanate exploded at the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal Raghu Rai was working at India Today as picture editor, a position he held for ten years. A toxic cloud moved across the city killing many where they slept. By the third day 8,000 were dead. There was no working alarm system at the factory and no public evacuation implemented. It was the worst chemical disaster of modern times. Overall, 20,000 people have died as a result of breathing in the gas, whilst 300,000 still suffer related health problems. Much is still not known about what was in the gas, and this failure to disclose the exact contents hampered medical efforts to help those affected. To date no one has been held criminally liable for what happened, and Union Carbide (now owned by Dow Chemicals) has only paid $470 million compensation – amounting to an insulting $500 per person.
Rai initially covered the story, taking some iconic and haunting photos, and followed-up for a while before eventually moving on to other things. Campaigns for justice of this nature – corporate crimes and state negligence – are notoriously long attritional affairs, and the media tend to dip in and out only at what they consider ‘news worthy’ moments – be they anniversaries, break-throughs / set-backs, or new interest generated by the involvement of celebrity or activist stunts.
When asked to go back after such a long time Rai knew his task would be difficult, to show something new, to not be yet another of hundreds of photographers to have covered the story. To start with he decided to go to the Memorial Hospital set up exclusively for those affected by the gas. Those who inhaled the most gas either died immediately or soon after, but others who inhaled less survived, only to suffer terrible health problems in later years. Those born of gas survivors have health problems themselves. Rai managed to get a list of survivors receiving treatment at the hospital but found it difficult to persuade them to be photographed. Over the years many photographers have travelled to Bhopal – a Mecca for those picturing disaster – where suffering is easily accessed and captured, ‘in and out’, helping to build photographic portfolios to boost careers with little real benefit to the survivors. I asked Raghu how his photographs were any different? What did they achieve?
“Firstly, there was a commitment to exhibit the photos in Bhopal itself, so at least those whose photos I had taken could see the results. Secondly, as a result of the renewed Greenpeace campaign, of which the photos formed a major part, the government of India released the final half of the compensation money to the survivors. And thirdly, after the exhibition was shown in the US the whereabouts of Warren Andersen, ex-CEO of Union Carbide in India was exposed.”
Warren Andersen left India immediately after the gas leak. The US government has yet to extradite him to India to face trial. How much the photo exhibition has to do with him being found is questionable, as he appears this was down to the UK tabloid newspaper, The Mirror.
“Fourthly, the contaminated water supply that the citizens of Bhopal had been continually poisoned with over the last twenty years was eventually replaced.”
As a social activist it is often difficult to evaluate the specific contribution your campaign made to events in the real world. Idealised strategic plans are distorted when exposed to the noise of the unpredictable real world, and the outcomes complex and spread over time. Judging the individual contribution of specific elements such as photographs can be time consuming, and difficult to separate from other elements, such as text. In the case of Bhopal, purely text based information may have been enough for direct lobbying of the Indian government – presentation of facts and figures on how they had not fulfilled there obligations and commitments to the survivors. Were the photos for their consumption too? To make an emotive connection with policy and decision makers at the highest level? Were they for broader public consumption as a mechanism to shame the authorities through exposure? Or designed to mobilize the public in a mass political lobby?
The exhibition and book (and undoubtedly other Greenpeace campaign materials like the cinema ads) provided a draw to an audience to know more – an open door to learn visually about something they were unlikely to have personal access to. The exhibition – the photographs, but also other accompanying information – would have informed them on both a factual and emotive level. Beyond that? Without knowing the specifics it is difficult to judge – were there postcards available for the visitors to sign and send to the authorities? Was there a reliance on the media to spread the message more broadly about the contents of the exhibition and thus shame the government? And what of the book? An historical document or an integral campaign mechanism? As regular readers of The Rights Exposure Project will know, in my view photo exhibitions (and accompanying books) have to provide specific mechanisms for action to maximise their effectiveness if used for advocacy – channels directed at specific targets who can bring about or influence change. Without this they are ‘floating information’.
Another challenge in using exhibitions is that they have historically tended to gain authority through being displayed in what are often viewed as elitist venues (like art galleries) that restrict themselves to a minority audience of a certain educational and economic background. This criticism can also be levelled at the Web as a platform. The use of certain exhibition spaces or the Web is not problematic per se, but must be given considerable thought in regards to the audience you wish to access, and how the choice restricts access to others (though access is rapidly increasing). Alternative venues and innovative methods of display need to be considered in maximising contact with your target audience.
Where exhibitions work better in my opinion is where the aim is to change public attitudes or behaviour close to home e.g. addressing discrimination of marginalised groups within the country the exhibition is taking place in.
The Bhopal exhibition toured widely, visiting Europe, America, India and South East Asia. Where the photos where exhibited, to what audience, and what they then did is crucial in examining their role. However, the last part of this equation – and the most crucial – is the one least known about. Few organizations evaluate how people react to images used in their campaigns, and few funders are interested in providing money to organizations to find out. In fact, research into how people are influenced by images for social activism appears surprisingly thin on the ground. This is partly due to it being practically difficult to do, though research in the field of commercial advertising proves it is possible. An increasingly close relationship between NGOs and advertising agencies on constructing communication strategies and visual products could be very beneficial in this regard, despite some rather short sighted reservations about former commercial staff moving into the social sphere. Having members of your target audience help shape your visual materials, and evaluating their response, is vital in make stronger connections, and generating better responses. This is not just ‘feeding them what they need’ but would also help NGOs, over time, educate people on the complexities of the issues they work on, and thus rely less heavily on stereo-typical images.
In fact, the influence of agencies may already be evident in the change of visual emphasis of NGO campaigns. The introduction of a conceptual approach – termed by Prof. Lilie Chouliaraki of LSE/POLIS as a ‘post humanitarian sensibility’, focussing on the role of ‘you’ as an individual activist – prominently seen in the recent Oxfam UK campaign ‘Be Human Kind’ – moves away from a photojournalistic ‘witnessing’ style towards a what I would term a ‘life-style value based’ approach. How much this comes from the NGOs and how much from the agencies no doubt varies, but the impact may usher in widespread change in the use of visuals in social activism. The traditional use of documentary photographic aesthetics are being supplemented by animation, graphics and constructed images that will no doubt have an impact on the relationship between NGOs and photographers in years to come. Whether we will know how people feel about this change will depend on NGOs investing more in finding out.
The majority of photographers who work for NGOs are not as well known or have the experience of Raghu Rai. Many make their money through commercial work, and do work with NGOs at lower rates or expenses only. Even big NGOs do not generally have big bucks to throw at visuals – though not necessarily because they do not have big bucks but due to allocation of budget based on internal priorities. When top photographers are brought on-board the NGO will want their monies worth. Access is not so much of an issue in these situations, and Rai told me the access he was granted for his work on Bhopal was good. He is a ‘local photographer’ – though what this means in a country as diverse in caste, class, culture and geographic area as India I am not sure. He certainly appears to have approached the people and issues with a great deal of respect and sensitivity, and makes a point of telling me when I ask about working on such issues;
“We have no right to walk into another’s suffering”.
But despite this I find it hard to pin down his methodology – how did he approach this work in comparison to photographing the Golden Temple? I wonder if this is in part due to a gap between the activist and the photographer – that even where their broader goals overlap, their emphasis is different – in that the pursuit of an image is not the same as the pursuit of change. For the photographer the ‘truth’ is in the photo – if they can capture this they have done their job. For the activist this is (or shouldn’t be) enough. Their concern is not just whether the images speaks to their audience, but in making sure it is viewed by them, and that they act as planned. Winning the argument is as necessary as presenting the facts. And once persuaded, that people do something – other wise we are back to ‘floating information.’
As our conversation continues it drifts into a realm that I find difficult to analyse – not only as an activist, but also as part of the photographic discourse on visual representation. You do not need to have read very widely on photography to encounter the challenge to the objectivity of the image and its ability to present the ‘truth’. Despite a photographs appearance – presenting what looks like an untouched representation of a split second of a specific scene – it is in fact influenced by multiple subjective factors and power relations. Yet talking to Raghu Rai I am struck by how many times he talks about ‘authenticity’ and capturing the ‘truth’.
‘The creative moment nudges you into capturing the truth – you do not have a view point, instinct is such a powerful thing, nature’s magical hand, connects with eternal truth.’
Rai states his aim is to, “capture life, realities in totality”, but I cannot be sure whether he considers his ‘eye’ totally objective? Is this statement of how he tries to read a situation and, as he put it, capture “the truth of the moment” – purely metaphorical?
His statements seem to be counter to the widely accepted critique of the ‘naturalist’ view of photography – that some how by its nature it is ‘value free’, an authentic objective representation of reality, not influenced by the subjective inputs other arts are. Rai’s explanation of how this ‘truth’ is accessed strangely reminds me of the Zen Buddhist state of mind brough about by the practice of zazen. Although I am wary of ascribing a spiritual aspect to this explanation of his photographic process, I am left with no better explanation than that of the experiential ‘intuition’ he is trying to describe – developed through constant practice, allowing thought to recede, and thus subjective influences to disappear. Even if you accept that this can influence the photographic process at the point of framing and pressing the shutter, it still does not address issue before and after.
I ask him how this affected his work on Bhopal?
“History is written and re-written but photo history cannot be re-written”.
He talks about the importance of historic documentation and how it can serve a community or cause in the future. This is important, and much photographic work on ‘disappearances’, especially in South America, has formed an important record for future generations.
It is true, that a photo cannot be taken retrospectively of a moment that has past. But they can be faked or re-constructed after the fact. And nowadays, with the application of computer manipulation of digital images all sorts of shenanigans can go on. But this does not address the process prior to the capturing of the image, the selection of where and who to photograph. The photos that exist are a selected view of history, with certain elements included and excluded from the frame of each photograph. Just as importantly, over time the interpretation of the image will change. It is part of a wider social reading. It may be presented differently, manipulated and altered. The meaning of the photo is no more static than the re-writing of events over decades in text – as John Berger said, we can never look at the photo alone but at the relationship between the photo and ourselves. The viewer is as important as the image. This is what Roland Barthes calls ‘connoted knowledge’ – how the image is read, and how it fits into existing knowledge.
Much of the criticism of humanitarian photography – produced by photojournalists and used by NGOs – has not so much focussed on the ‘truth’ of an image but how it represents people in it. The mobilization of public action on distant suffering by presenting a ‘spectacle’ to evoke pity. In the case of Bhopal Rai was well aware of the difficulties picturing such an issue presented, and speaks about preserving the dignity of the individuals he photographs. He also commented on the challenge of communicating tragedy to your audience.
“It is important not to overload the viewer with tragedy, don’t repeat, just share enough otherwise people will give up.”
This reminds me of the issue of so-called ‘compassion fatigue’, something I have seen little evidence to support in my work in human rights. For me, this is not a ‘fatigue’ of compassion. If anything, what you do see in my experience is ‘lack of change fatigue’, which occurs generally when people expend effort or money to change something and fail – particularly if they do not know why. Surely the focus should be on whether the work of development or human rights agencies actually has impact, rather than whether they picked the right photos? Not that how you represent people is not important. In regards to images I think the problem may be one of ‘one dimensional stereo-typed representation’. Much literature focuses on whether people are presented as ‘victims’ or ‘active agents for change’, and the power relationship between the photographer and subject. For me what is more important is that peoples’ lives are presented in all their complexity. It should not be a case of ‘Starving child vs. Smiling child’ as neither conveys the complexities of the issue. Editing out the complexities of an individuals life, whether by doing so you represent them as disempowered or with ‘super smiley agency’, is equally incomplete.
Problems presented without root causes and lasting solutions are depressing and put people off, not the problems themselves. We need an approach to visual representation of social injustice that invests in long term awareness raising of the complexities of the challenges many people face and our inter-relationship to them. This could entail a cascading communication strategy from the single image conveying short sharp information for immediate action, to complex multi-media story telling that increases the audiences understanding over time. This will also allow a change in which ‘single’ images are used as what the audience knows develops. Stereotypical images will no longer stand. But this seems a long way off. NGOs and the media will need to dedicate more resources and time to their use of visual media, and build integrated communication strategies that look at the long term education of their target audiences. Whether any are interested in doing this is open to question. A joining of minds between academics, activists and photographers to share ideas for producing practical solutions would be a good starting point. One body doing this is POLIS at LSE through the research project Humanitarian and Development Communication in a Global Media Age.
How much the audience knows comes down in part to what they are presented, and what they are presented is usually what NGOs believe will motivate them to give money or take action. Over simplified, stereo-typed images will, in the long term back-fire on NGOs, not because the presentation of tragedy causes fatigue, but because you cannot facilitate sustainable empathy through simplistic representations. By presenting the complexities of others lives these connections can be made stronger, and sustained giving and activism be nurtured. It strikes me that the more I can see about an individual’s everyday life, no matter how removed from my own, the more likely I will find something of empathic connection, and so the more likely I am to act with greater commitment.
But are the many extreme situations shown in social campaigns too distant from the audience’s lives? Is always trying to show individual agency yet another distortion? Bhopal is a good example. Do we identify with the images in Rai’s photos, see links to our own existence, or are they distant people to be pitied – those who tragedy happens to? Are they courageously fighting for justice or have some succumbed to despair and given up? Do we end up thinking, there before the grace of god go I or that I need to do something? Finding the balance is key if we are to use images effectively in social activism.
Raghu Rai was born in 1942 in what is now Pakistan. He started photography in 1965, joining the Magnum photo agency in 1977.
UNHCR TV drama in Japan
30/06/2009‘Plastic Sheeting in the Wind’ is a fictional TV drama about the work of UNHCR in Japan. Broadcast by NHK (Japan’s public broadcasting service) it has aired over the last five weeks, spanning World Refugee Day on 20 June, reaching an estimated audience of millions. Using a fictional plot, including romance between protection officers, it is hoped the series will not only educate people about the challenges asylum seekers and refugees face in Japan but also looks at the situation around the world.
For more information click here.
‘Real Needs Real People’ – UNHCR photo exhibition to mark World Refugee Day in Kathmandu
22/06/2009Between 20-24 June a UNHCR organized and Photo.Circle curated exhibition will take place at Bhrikuti Exhibition Hall in Kathmandu, Nepal. Entry is FREE. Opening times are 10am – 7pm.
Works on show are by Ashok R. Shakya, Kari Collins, Kashish Das Shrestha, NayanTara Gurung Kakshapati, Edwin Koo, Zalmai, Christian Als, Saiful Huq Omi, John Lehmann, James Giambrone and H.E. Nancy Powell.
Work from the exhibition will also be on display at the Ratna Park or Jawalakhel bus stops.
Making the past present – the use of photographs in Amnesty International’s campaign on justice for former ‘Comfort Women.’
18/05/2009Although Amnesty International is not renowned for its use of photography their campaign supporting the former sexual slaves of the Japanese Imperial army during World War II is worth looking at. In particular, it is interesting to see how the images were an integral part of a well thought through lobbying strategy, which aimed to mobilize a policy response as much by a moral/emotive argument as a legalistic one. I would like to thank Katie Barraclough (East Asia Campaigner) and Wayne Minter (Audio-Visual Resource Manager) at the International Secretariat of Amnesty International, and the documentary photographer Paula Allen for their generous and insightful contributions to this article. Credit is also due to Suki Nagra and Iris Cheng (former East Asia Campaigners) and the Amnesty staff and volunteers worldwide who worked tirelessly on this project).
Gaining competitive advantage in an attention deficit world
Many campaigns for social justice focus on recent or on-going abuses and inequalities. The playing field is not equal, with some issues gaining greater publicity and support based on geo-political priorities, current trends and the organizational resources behind the campaign. It is as competitive as any market place, with photo and video playing key roles in gaining media advantage. For those working on long standing issues the problem of remaining in the minds of both the public and policy makers is all the more difficult – where it is perceived that one more image of poverty or conflict has diminishing returns in regard to mobilizing outrage and activism. Often it is only footage that provides new evidence of abuses that will gain prominence. However, for those campaigning on a crime that happened over six decades ago the challenge of demonstrating its relevance today is daunting. Archival photographs tend to communicate ‘history’, which may be informative but in a highway of fast changing information is a turning easily passed-by for more contemporary matters.

Malaya Lolas (Grandmothers) of Mapanique (178 women were raped over a three-day period), The Philippines, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
This is the situation that faced the now old women across the Asia-Pacific forced into sexual slavery to serve the Japanese Imperial army before and during World War II. Hak-soon Kim from South Korea was the first so-called ‘Comfort Woman’ to publicly break silence in 1991. Women all over Asia – including from China, East Timor, Indonesia, Philippines, and Taiwan – followed her lead and told their heartbreaking stories. Many in successive Japanese governments and right-wing interest groups would rather the issue, and the women, go away, and together form a strong international lobby group. In some respects they may get their wish, as each year that passes more of the women succumb to old age. But before all are gone there is a determination amongst them to raise their collective voice to bear witness to the crime committed against them and demand the apology and reparations they rightly deserve. As the Japanese government try to sit out growing international condemnation, campaigners try to internationalise the issue and record the testimony and demands of the women for a fight that may need to be continued by another generation when they are gone.
It is an issue that has been fought on two fronts; one overtly legalistic, making the case for Japanese state responsibility within international law; and the other, the deeply moving stories told by the women themselves about their lives. The first has failed to deliver significant results, with several cases failing to bear fruit, despite favourable rulings in a few lower courts in Japan. However, the second is beginning to mobilize a response internationally amongst politicians. It is a demonstration of the power of what is effectively a multi-media campaign in using emotive audio-visual media to create activism.
For more information on the history of sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial army in the 1930’s and 40’s check out the Korean Council.

Gil Won Ok, age 78 and Hwan Kuen Joo, age 86, shelter for former Comfort Women, Seoul, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
Starting with the basics
In March 2004 Amnesty International (AI) launched it global campaign to ‘Stop Violence Against Women’ (SVAW). This differed from previous global campaigns in that it would last more than one year (it is currently in its 6th year) and would tackle a broad thematic issue AI had up to that point done little work on. Early on a decision was made to join forces with the former ‘Comfort Women’ in their fight for justice and planning began for a long term campaign. I should probably declare a vested interest at this point as I was part of the planning team, though hope I can still provide you with a relatively objective overview.
It would be fair to say that AI was at the time, and remains so today, ‘below the curve’ in regards to the use of photography (and other visual media) in its campaigns, and was not well prepared for its latest global venture. As Wayne Minter (Audio-Visual Resource Manager at the International Secretariat of Amnesty International) says, ‘We had very little archived photo material that was directly relevant to the overall aims of our new campaign, few contacts with, or ideas for potential sources.’
That the ‘Comfort Women’ campaign became the recipient of one of the largest photographic projects ever conceived by the International Secretariat of Amnesty International was more down to the belief, energy and dedication of the individuals involved rather than institutional planning. It is disappointing to hear from Wayne that little has changed, with nothing being developed since as ambitious or successful. Given that projects like this are commissioned relatively frequently by International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs) – such as ActionAid, Greenpeace and Oxfam – it is undoubtedly detrimental to AI’s work that it fails to maximise the benefits of such media.
So, given these infertile conditions how did the project get off the ground?
Wayne explains;
“I sent a message to all our regional research teams asking for suggestions for projects from their region which might have an audiovisual element. One of the few replies I received was from Suki Nagra, East Asia Campaigner, who suggested covering the weekly “Comfort Women” demonstrations in Seoul. We met to discuss this and developed it into a larger project to document and support the women.”
The fact that few responded to Wayne’s request may be indicative of an institutional lack of engagement with visual media as a powerful campaign tool. I should point out that at this stage AI was still publishing its traditional black and white research paper reports, though for this campaign there was the modest addition of a purple corporate cover (more on this below). If reports did include photos they were small, often poor quality and not professionally formatted. Thankfully this has now changed, with a shift in the last two years towards much more visually engaging products, driven by newly developed corporate branding and new digital publishing technology.

Lola Maxima, Santa Rosa, The Philippines, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
Can research and photography play nicely together?
It was recognised at the conception of the project that photography could be an important part of the communication tools needed to realise the campaign objectives. The ‘Comfort Women’ issue is well known in East and South East Asia but relatively unheard of in Europe and North America. Building international condemnation of the Japanese government’s failure to adequately address the demands of the women was identified as an important point of leverage. The substantial and legalistic research report was at this time seen as the primary tool to target politicians. The photos were to be used in materials for awareness raising and mobilization amongst public constituencies, a rather standard approach at the time. It was not until later that this approach changed.
Photos, with good captions or testimony, are excellent tools for telling human stories. And this is what the campaign needed to do, tell a story that many had never heard, about a time before many of them were born. People needed to connect emotionally with the women and to see that although the crimes against them had happened in the past the pain the women felt meant constituted an on-going crime that persisted today. Fundamentally, the photos needed to address several issues;
What has been forgotten – to inform the audience of a past event, and to move that event from the past to the present.
To do this they needed to show;
The Pain – what had happened to the women was an on-going violation endured for a life time. A life that for many was nearly over and had been spent in exclusion and poverty.
Urgency – despite how long ago the crimes took place a resolution remains more urgent than ever as the women’s age means that fewer and fewer will live to see justice severed.

Lola Leoncia, age 99, Mapanique, The Philippines, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
Connection – the stories evoke great sympathy and emotion, but need to also bridge the gap with the viewers’ lives in distant countries i.e. for them to see that these women are like their mothers / grandmothers.

Lola Tarcila, Mapanique, The Philippines, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
Active agents for change – to demonstrate the solidarity and organisation amongst the women to inspire people to act.
Despite the power of the women’s stories it was not going to be an easy task, either emotionally or logistically, as Wayne explains;
“Clearly gathering the testimonies and images meant that it just was not worth considering unless we had exactly the right photographer to work with Suki and the women. The extremely sensitive and harrowing subject matter, the age and circumstances of the women, not to mention the logistics, travel and local politics would be challenging for even the most experienced photographer. Fortunately we knew Paula Allen through her recent work with AI in Chechnya, as well as with the women of Calama, Chile (Flores en el Desierto 1999 – include link). As soon as we had discussed it with her we knew we need look no further and began planning.”
Paula agreed, “My goals, intentions and ethics were similar to AI’s and this was crucial to my acceptance of this particular offer of work. AI had used the images from the Russia trip in a manner that I approved of and I knew they respected my images and work process.”
Even then it was not plain sailing, with some scepticism on the viability of the project from several quarters within the organisation. This was frustrating yet hardly surprising as there were few comparable examples to show people. But eventually everything was in place with Suki and Paula going to South Korea and the Philippines in March 2005. Despite Wayne’s faith in the two of them he was well aware that the relationship between researcher and photographer does not always work.
“The researcher / photographer working relationship is not a natural or easy one in the best of conditions and, through experience, we have become very critically selective of when we should use it. This was the first time we had attempted a research / photo project of this scale, ambition and risk, and Suki and Paula did an incredible job for us.
Prior to leaving Paula had already begun to do her own research and preparation, working closely with Suki. This helped enormously later on. As Paula says, “The most important aspect regarding the relationship between Suki and I was that we were in agreement about the way we conducted the interviews. We had shared criteria for how the work was done: The women’s consent and safety was our number one priority. They would not be coerced into sharing; they would determine whether they wanted their stories told, and they had the right to stop an interview at anytime and request that I stop photographing or not use the images that I had made. We never began an interview without being clear about who we were, why we were there, how we anticipated using the images and testimonies, and what we hoped the outcome would be. The women were asked to sign releases at the end of each interview.
None of this could have been accomplished without both the help of local groups in all the places we travelled to who were working with the ‘Comfort Women’, and without the interpreters, who were knowledgeable and sympathetic. In Korea and the Philippines, we worked with a number of different interpreters who all were extraordinary human beings and conscientious translators. They were not just translating a conversation – it was an extremely personal testimonial. Suki and I also knew the stories of the women would deeply penetrate our psyches and bodies. It was impossible not to cry with them and absolutely right to do so. We also tried whenever possible to have a psychologist present or a person who was familiar to the women from one of the local groups or both. All the interviews were highly emotionally charged as the women were recalling in detail their experiences of constant rape – describing their abductions, the size of men’s penises, the pain, the bad smells and the fear. It did not matter that the women were recalling what had happened decades ago. Rape does not leave the psyche or the body after a specific amount of time and memories are often as fresh as the day they happened. And in addition to the original violations, many of these women had suffered isolation, shame, mental and physical ill health and poverty during their 50 years of silence.”
“As the photographer, I encountered a number of situations that were extremely impactful. I am always conscious of my desires, both to make strong images that would be most effective for the campaign, and to take care of the women while photographing. In Korea and the Philippines, the women would often remove their clothes in the middle of interviews to show the scars on their bodies as evidence of what happened to them. Many times, the scars were barely visible to me, or the camera, after so many decades, but the scars remained completely visible to the women. I hesitated in all cases, and especially in Seoul when one woman kneeled in front of me, pulled down her pants and grabbed her vagina. A psychologist was with us and indicated that it was okay for me to take a picture, and the woman, in fact, wanted me to take one. This was all part of her breaking her silence. And, I knew that Wayne and I would be very conscious and careful about using these particular images.”
Capturing good photos is one thing, but delivering images that are right for the campaign materials you plan to produce is another. Despite working with Paula before Wayne was apprehensive.
“I remember the contact sheets coming in to our office, laying them out on the display table, and sharing with the team a massive sense of elation and relief. The results were a remarkable series of photos which were impressive on a purely photographic and aesthetic level, but when used with the harrowing stories of the women, proved to be a powerful tool for advocacy and evidence. Much of the power of the photos is down to the skill and technique of the photographer. Paula has a consistently proven ability to work closely with people on sensitive subjects, over periods of time, patiently gaining their trust and building solidarity; in a way that is the antithesis of point and shoot photojournalism, and which is apparent in the results.”
“The images were effective on many levels. They challenged stereotypical images of women, and female activists. These were old Asian women, some in their nineties, many rejected by their communities and families, pursuing their cause with great vigour and dignity against a powerful, distant government determined to ignore them. The use of the photos in the region, exhibitions, in the press, and sometimes even the act of taking them, publicised the women’s struggle locally and regionally and helped to draw together and forge contacts between the various groups supporting them and their cause including local Amnesty offices in Asia. These were photos of women who had been fighting for justice for 50 years and who were now in old age. On a plain documentary level it was very important to record images of their struggle whilst it was still possible. The images helped greatly to introduce their cause to an audience in European and North America resulting in greater support and more effective lobbying and pressure on the Japanese government.”
With the photos taken and testimony recorded the campaign began to role out. Yet even with the significant level of investment so far it still proved a struggle to get a photo of some of the women protesting outside the Japanese embassy in Seoul on the cover of the research report. The reason given that it was inconsistent with the corporate purple covers designed for the campaign. Thankfully sense prevailed and the photo below took pride of place on the report.

Since January 1992, every Wednesday, the women and their supporters demonstrate outside the Japanese Embassy, Seoul, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
For the first two years of the project the photos were used in relatively traditional ways – for example, on public lobbying postcards and in exhibitions. However, during a meeting in Hong Kong in February 2006 it was decided that the next phase of the campaign would focus on trying to get international government support for the women’s demands through resolutions in national and regional legislatures. Although these resolutions would not technically be detrimental to the Japanese government, if enough were passed they would be a demonstration of international condemnation towards Japan’s actions, applying pressure for a policy re-think (it was recognised that this needed to be supported by a strong domestic movement). Rather than use the research report alone it was decided to lobby individual politicians using a specially designed pamphlet featuring the photos and testimonies of the women. We would not focus primarily on the legal argument but make an emotive and moral appeal to them as people first. It was a decision that proved right as Katie Barraclough, East Asia Campaigner, explains.
“In 2007 a postcard action was launched for people to send to their national parliamentarians asking them to pass a resolution calling on the Government of Japan to accept responsibility and apologise for the ‘Comfort Women’ system. These postcards prominently featured photos of the women looking dignified and strong. One of the most popular photos was of Esmeralda Boe (deceased), a former ‘Comfort Woman’ from Memo village, Bobonaro District, Indonesia. She is clearly frail but is smiling and punching her fist in the air. She looks happy, strong and defiant at the same time.”
These actions were supported by local Amnesty offices, using their political lobbyists to gain support from a core constituency within the legislature. Targets were Canada, the European Parliament, Germany, the Netherlands, the Philippines, UK, USA. Events included a speaker’s tour with some of the former ‘Comfort Women’ giving powerful testimony and photographic exhibitions at parliaments. Media work using the photos accompanied these events, often including visits to the representative of the Japanese government in that country. The action was a success with resolutions of one kind or another being passed in all but the German parliament.
The photos continue to demonstrate their power and durability, with one being selected as the cover photo of The Wire, Amnesty International’s news magazine for members, on the occasion of International Women’s Day 2009.
Although in many respects the AI campaign and how it used photography can be regarded as nothing exceptional – no great innovation either technologically or strategically – it succeeded by doing the basics well. A clear strategy that recognised the visual media necessary to achieve its objectives, and produced campaign and lobbying materials that maximised the photographs. As Paula says, “There are thousands and thousands of images telling incredible, heart- wrenching, significant stories made by well-intended photographers all over the world. There is always a difficulty is finding a ‘home’ for this type of work, a place where the images can be published respectfully and where editors who, if willing, are able to tell the stories that need to be told. As a human rights photographer, the most gratifying and fulfilling moment is seeing my images being used effectively.”
The Japanese government continues to hold its line and much work is still needed, particularly in Japan itself. However, the Japanese government’s work internationally for ‘human security’ and peace will continue to ring hollow until it deals with its own history in a fair and just manner – the former ‘Comfort Women’ have won a significant victory on that front.

Woman living in The House of Sharing, Toechon Province, March 2005 - copyright Paula Allen / Amnesty International
All photos taken by Paula Allen and copyright of Paula Allen/Amnesty International.
For other photos of the former ‘Comfort Women’ see the work of Chris Steele-Perkins as part of the ‘Disposable People’ series for Magnum and Autograph AOB showing at;
23 May – 5 July 2009 Tullie House Museum and Art Gallery, Carlisle. 1 August – 13 September 2009 New Art Exchange, Nottingham. 7 November – 3 January 2010 Aberystwyth Arts Centre.
Amnesty International ‘Comfort Women’ lobbying pamphlet AI CW Booklet_ASA2200206
Amnesty International – The Wire (Feb/March 2009) TheWire-en-0901[1]
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